Corrections and Clarifications
Stewart Valcour, in an E-mail, puts to rest all of my conjecture about the
fate of the SS Awatea, the troopship with 5,000 troops aboard, which was
involved in the collisions in the convoy described in Chapter Four. Here in
Stewart's words are facts on the Awatea.
In your chapter you wondered if it (the Awatea) went back to
Halifax or continued beyond. According to my father (John Henry Valcour),
the ship had the front of it severely damaged and was lucky not to have sunk
itself. Its speed was reduced to below 3 knots, and it was escorted back to
Halifax where it was repaired.
My dad, John Henry Valcour, was in fact destined for the
European theater, as a tank driver. Upon his return to Halifax, he tells the
story (only now, to his children), that they were given 1 month leave due to
the "at sea" incident. This was subsequently reduced to two weeks, then one
week, then three days. Being a bit of an original, he decided (and was not
alone) to take his leave anyway. This got him in some hot water, but not
enough for the government not to send him over on the next available ship.
He spent the balance of the war in several theaters (Italy, Africa, etc) and
was part of the group that was there when Holland was liberated. Not that
this is important now, but when he returned he wanted desperately to attend
university. He was bright (as I can now see, given his success in life), and
would have enjoyed the study of engineering. He was refused (his CO said he
was from the farm and to the farm he would return) and this disappointment
remained with him for the balance of his life, though he didn't let it stop
him.
My thanks to Stewart and to all others who have so generously provided
light for this passage.
My webmaster has suggested, in gentle words for him, that I use only
selected abbreviations, especially on naval terms, and define them and be
consistent in their use. For example, OOD is Officer of the Deck, and JOOD is
Junior Officer of the Deck. Radm is Rear Admiral in the early chapters, but
later I gave up and used the full designation, Rear Admiral. The term that has
developed the most questions is what I have called "the 5" 38 cal. gun." The
five inches refers to the bore diameter. It is close to 127mm. The 38 cal.
refers to the length of the gun barrel, with the word caliber abbreviated. The
gun barrel is 38 calibers long, or 38 times five inches, 190 inches or roughly
16 feet long. The identification is confusing, because the caliber of the gun
is five inches, just as a .45 caliber has a bore diameter just less than one
half inch. Fuze is another questioned word. Naval ordnance has appropriated
that spelling to denote the firing train that eventually makes the high
explosive go off.
1943; The U.S. is Now A Mediterranean Force on Land and Sea
U.S. land and sea forces reached near parity with the British in the
Mediterranean in early 1943. The next time uncertainty occurred about who
would fight and who would not, the situation worked out much more to our
disadvantage than it had with the various political shades of the French
military in Morocco. This would be at Salerno, and the Italian surrender
provided the uncertainty. At Salerno, the Germans were able to take advantage
of what we might have thought was bad news for them, Marshal Badoglio's
surrender. But, we must first go to Lake Bizerte and to the assault beaches at
Sicily before we come to Salerno.
Before setting out on her Mediterranean duties, it should be noted that
Edison's third skipper took over on February 24, 1943. On that day, CDR
William R. Headden was relieved by LCDR Hepburn A. Pearce, Edison's Executive
Officer. Lt. James Abner Boyd fleeted up to XO of the Edison. Lt. (Jg) Richard
"Dick" Hofer became Gunnery Officer .The next four chapters will deal mostly
with action-filled months for Edison in 1943 and 1944 in the Mediterranean.
Tunisia
The Axis forces in Tunisia, confronted by the British from the east, and
the predominantly U.S. Allied forces from the west, surrendered on 13 May
1943. Field Marshal Rommel got out, but many of his soldiers became POWs. This
cemented North Africa in Allied hands while the north rim of the Mediterranean
remained under Hitler's control. Malta stood fast as a British island outpost.
General Eisenhower remained Supreme Allied Commander in the Mediterranean for
all of 1943 while the next in command, land, sea and air, were British. Allied
naval forces remained under the command of Admiral of the Fleet Sir Andrew B.
Cunningham RN, and then under Admiral Sir John Cunningham RN, who succeeded
him.
Command-wise, sea matters went well. Not so much can be said for land
forces and air commands. Even considering the testy nature of General
Montgomery ("Monty"), the British were not always the problem. U.S. air,
though still a part of the U.S. Army, followed their own star.
U.S. Destroyers: New Roles
From January 1943 on, there were no U.S. Navy air forces available for
Mediterranean operations except for the cruiser spotting planes. Available
Atlantic escort carriers were fully engaged in Hunter/Killer ASW efforts in
the Atlantic. As larger carriers were commissioned, they went to the Pacific,
where there were fleet engagements to be fought, some related to the strategic
island hopping counter offensive there. Although there was an Italian surface
fleet, no more fleet battles were to be fought in the Mediterranean. Italian
submarines were active in the days leading up to Sicily.
Coordinated amphibious assaults characterized the remaining efforts in the
Mediterranean conflict. These shaped the mission of U.S. destroyers. On
defense, even accounting for some episodes of accurate German counter fire
during and after landing assaults, it was their submarines, mines and aircraft
that became the prime concerns of Allied naval ship commanders. The French
defending North Africa during TORCH scored more hits on naval vessels than the
Germans did in the balance of the Mediterranean campaign. Naval gunfire,
particularly US naval gunfire, in support of troops ashore, came into its own.
In Volume IX of the History of United States Naval Operations in World War II,
author Samuel Eliot Morison (writing under the title "Sicily, Salerno and
Anzio" in 1954, almost ten years after leaving the North African story in his
Volume II) stated in the Volume IX Preface, "Frequently, in Italian and German
sources, we find that this ferocious and devastating intervention of the
Allied Navies was the crucial factor that forced Axis ground forces to
retire." He was referring to naval gunfire.
The 1860s surveys which the British had conducted, resulting in the British
North African Purple Grid System, provided the frame of reference for Allied
sea and land forces, especially for shore fire control of naval gunfire. U.S.
Navy units remained under the command of Vice Admiral Hewitt's Eighth Fleet
which was part of Admiral Cunningham's combined Allied naval operational
force. These "Purple Grid" maps, very hard to read under blackout red light
illumination, covered both sides of the Mediterranean.
It is appropriate to note that Samuel Eliot Morison dedicated his Volume IX
to Vice Admiral Lyal A. Davidson who died in 1950. We have already met the
Admiral in this story and will meet him again in these next few chapters.
Morison's dedication was most appropriate.
High Strategy in the First Six Months of 1943
By January 1943, US land forces were moving in strength toward Tunisia from
the east and the British Eighth Army under General Montgomery was moving west,
fresh from a victory at El Alamein. Although the siege of Stalingrad had been
lifted, Germany has nearly 200 divisions putting pressure on the Russians.
Pacific supply routes to Siberia, North Atlantic routes to Murmansk, and the
extra long trip around the Cape of Good Hope to the Persian Gulf were long and
exposed to German interdiction. Allied losses of over 700,000 tons of shipping
sunk in November 1942 showed some signs of easing with half that reported in
December 1942. Roosevelt, Churchill and their senior military staffs met once
again in Casablanca for just over a week beginning January 14, 1943. Stalin
was invited but did not come. The argument over the cross channel invasion was
renewed. The US pressed for sooner, and the British for later.
The three binding concepts agreed to earlier (1941) kept this conference
from splitting the coordinated effort thus far achieved. These concepts were
the priority to defeat Hitler before Japan, to persevere in ASW operations,
and to give Stalin a second front which would drain pressure from Hitler's
eastern front or at least, make sure that he had no additional forces to send
there. Notwithstanding, General Marshall and Admiral King wanted to keep the
Japanese sufficiently off balance to prevent their consolidation of Pacific
gains. The US also wanted to put North Africa on hold after defeating Rommel,
and gradually build up forces for a cross channel invasion. The British wanted
to take Sardinia or Sicily and pursue the "soft underbelly" theory. The
British wanted to win objectives one at a time while the Americans always
wanted to be able to answer the question, "What do we do next?" On the face of
it, with the agreement to invade Sicily next and with no follow-on objective
stated, the British won the argument. The U.S. departed from the Casablanca
Conference bargaining determined to point for and plan for a cross channel
invasion that would be the "big one" irrespective of what further was
accomplished in the Mediterranean. Eisenhower could only spare one day from
the African Front to present his views at this Casablanca Conference.
In the final discussions, the British had favored occupation of Sardinia.
General Brehon Somervell, the US supply chief, according to author Morison,
pointed out that the Straits of Sicily were still too dangerous for all but
the most urgent convoys, and that gaining control here gave unchallenged
access to the Suez Canal, thus adding up to an equivalent of 225 freighters
saved from the Cape of Good Hope route to India. Sicily became the decision.
The broad outline furnished to General Eisenhower at the conclusion of the
Casablanca Conference on January 22, 1943 called for a British Force mounted
from the Near East and a U.S. force mounted from Africa, from the U.S. and
from Britain.
Transit Challenges to Sicily
From Cap Bon in Tunisia, the closest point of Sicily is just under 100
miles. This shortening of distances accompanied by home front progress in the
design and production of more seaworthy landing craft meant that shore to
shore amphibious operations would play a role in the Sicilian invasion. The
same distance factor meant that German bombers were closer. Even more than for
Casablanca, U.S. planners had to make plans without many of the participating
commanders, especially the troop commanders, most of whom were occupied with
the action in Tunisia until the final month of planning for HUSKY, as the
Sicilian invasion was named. Men like Eisenhower, Patton, Truscott and Allen
were gaining recognition in discreetly written dispatches in which a little
"name dropping" got by censors on their way to the U.S. news media. General
Montgomery, too, from the British side was becoming a household name in the
U.S.
Edison Takes Up Her New Post
A number of small assignments in and out of Mers El Kebir occurred between
June 24 and June 30, 1943. On the 30th, Edison participated in amphibious
landing exercises at a beach called Arzeu, east of Oran. That beach had been
involved in the TORCH landings at Oran on November 8, 1942 and some of the
debris from that effort still littered the beach. When the surf rolled on
Mediterranean coasts, danger was present and our practice run at Arzeu
resulted in some foundering casualties. We were in practice for the invasion
of Sicily. The Army had learned to lighten the "pack" somewhat for its
soldiers. Aboard Edison, our gunners anticipated giving our troops the benefit
of some suppression fire before they hit the beach. But, that was not to be.
On July 1, 1943, Edison departed for Bizerte, Tunisia. The anchorage in
Lake Bizerte gave our crew a closer look at War than most cared for. The lake
was still full of floating, dead bodies. Edison crewmembers had taken
advantage of a brief authorization to swim, brief because it was terminated by
signal light from another warship conveying orders to stay out of the water
due to contamination.
Danger From Above
Nights, especially the night of July 6, involved Edison's first experience
with what would become a daily occurrence, regular air raids by German
bombers. I admired the progress that US and Allied forces ashore had made in
their advance against the Germans in North Africa and particularly in the air
defense capability installed just since the local area had been subdued in
mid-May. Powerful searchlights combed the sky for enemy planes. U.S. and
British technicians who had come to a foreign land in war conditions, and
undertaken what seemed in accomplishment a routine connection with the local
power grid, says something about a capability American citizens take for
granted. Sometimes the generators that the U.S. brought along filled in for
local power facilities that had become battle casualties.
Selfishly, I liked any tool that helped preserve my life. Once two of those
searchlights got an intersection on an aircraft, that pilot could not wiggle
out of the beam. Then, he was a pretty good bet to get some serious flak. Our
defending planes were aloft too, and if they stayed out of the Zone of the
Interior ( ZI), a defined conical envelope with its apex on the ground, they
would not be shot at by our ground based AA guns. We wore hard hats during
these attacks as the falling shrapnel was very dangerous. Only occasionally
did U.S. warships augment ground based air defense fire in the confines of
Lake Bizerte because of the communication and coordination difficulties.
Edison's main battery was credited with one JU-88 (German Junkers, Model 88).
We were pretty much under the protective umbrella of the British air defense
commands while in Lake Bizerte. We were there to form up for a departure to
Sicily.
Since the JU-88 is a plane we saw frequently, it is pictured below. This
photo is taken from a recognition slide in the collection of Bill Rowan of
Springfield, Massachusetts, who was the Ensign in charge of the U.S. Navy gun
detail on a US Liberty ship in WW II. The original photos of ships and planes
in the nearly 1,000 35mm glass slides in each ship's recognition training set
were undoubtedly high quality B&W shots. Thousands of copies were made,
one for each warship and one for each merchantmen flying a U.S. flag with an
Armed Guard crew aboard. There is a tendency in photo reproduction to pick up
Dmin, a higher minimum optical density noticeable mostly as background, making
everything appear darker. Add two layers of glass to create the slide and with
constant feeding and discharging in projectors scratching the glass, the
"target" plane or aircraft almost always looks dim as in twilight or darkness.
It turns out that without intention, the slide pictures come across to the
viewer pretty much as an actual aircraft or ship might appear under less than
ideal twilight conditions.
Another factor in the air defenses at Lake Bizerte were the British night
fighter pilots, equipped with a twin engine aircraft called the Beaufighter.
Those were truly, friendly "friendlies."
Lake Bizerte is a large lake. Again, U.S. ingenuity was called
upon to hack open a larger channel to the Mediterranean for the enormous
flotilla which assembled there for the Sicilian invasion in the summer of
1943. Air views in wartime photos published after the war showed an even
larger assemblage than surface eyes could see at the time. If Marshal
Goering's Luftwaffe, his Nazi air armadas, were ever to play a part in denying
further Allied penetration in the Mediterranean, it would have defined the
concentration of targets in Lake Bizerte as the ideal place to make the point.
That they did not was an indication that they could not, though that thought
never came to me at the time.
In the main, this force of warships and landing craft in Lake Bizerte were
just for the Licata area, the northernmost of the three landing areas defined
for the U.S. force landings on the Southwest coast of Sicily. Direct from the
States, from England, and from all North African ports west of Bizerte, U.S.
land and sea forces staged for the Gela and the Scoglitti beaches of Sicilian
Invasion. These were the center and the southernmost landing areas in the U.S.
sphere of responsibility for Sicily. The British were doing the same in the
Eastern Mediterranean for their landings on the Southeast coast of Sicily,
with the city of Syracuse one of their primary objectives. Once again, the
whole could be touted as the largest such amphibious operation ever mounted.
Edison was involved in a series of such "firsts". Even Normandy one year later
did not have an eight beaches-wide initial landing spread like Sicily.
Preparation Time is Over; Sicily Looms
JOSS was the code name for the Licata sector of landing operations under
the immediate command of Rear Adm. Richard Conolly. DIME was the center attack
force under Rear Adm. Hall, with Gela its prime target. Rear Adm. Kirk
commanded the southernmost CENT force, with Scoglitti the beach town in the
center of the several beaches over which its troops would land. Admiral
Hewitt, in overall command of the southwest Sicilian coast landings,
"pleaded"according to author Samuel Eliot Morison, "to be allowed to deliver a
pre-landing naval bombardment." He was turned down by an Army still in denial
that naval bombardment could handle that task. Further, our own Army Air Force
was not going to help neutralize beach defenses. Their decision came as a
consequence of their self-defined sole objective of destruction or
interdiction of enemy air forces. The two decisions leaving the enemy free of
pre-landing fire suppression on the beaches presented quite a challenge for
naval gunfire once our troops hit the beach.
Sicily is a triangle. From Marsala on its westernmost tip, southeast to
Portopalo is 125 statute miles. This leg contains the Licata, Gela, Scoglitti
geography and beaches. From Portopalo on the Sicily's southern tip,
north/northeast to the narrow Strait of Messina between Italy and Sicily, it
is another 125 miles. Across the top of the triangle from Marsala to the
Strait of Messina, roughly east to west, is about 180 miles. Edison would get
to know the west side and the top side of this Sicilian triangle very well.
Storm!
An intense low pressure cell suddenly built up in the North Tyrrhenian Sea
where the Italian coast curves west toward Southern France. The water west and
southwest of Sicily where we made our approach was churning with gale force
during the approach on July 9, 1943. The larger landing craft, LSTs, Landing
Ship Tanks, and LCTs, Landing Craft Tanks, and LCIs, Landing Craft Infantry
took a terrible beating. The smaller personnel-bearing LCVPs, though now much
improved from Casablanca, were tossed about like straws. We were close aboard
many of these craft, actually at times looking almost directly down on them as
we went by. None of the soldiers we saw was fit for an assault operation.
Terrible sea sickness enveloped them all, as they lay flat, or across the
gunwales puking into the sea. I imagined that it was the one time that these
men whose units would be chosen over and over again for assault landings
probably welcomed the landing itself, even acutely aware of the enemy actions
that they knew they would have to meet. The LST, bearing the alphabet letter S
for Ship, was truly a ship. The Germans acknowledged as much by torpedoing
them and by using advanced glider bombs against them. The LST could off-load a
loaded LCT from its side into the sea.
U.S. Force Dispositions
JOSS, TF 86, was to put ashore the 3rd Division, Major General Lucian K.
Truscott USA, along with two Ranger battalions in Princess ships, neat little
British pleasure steamers until commandeered for war. The 1st Infantry
Division, Major General Terry Allen USA, along with a combat team of the 2nd
Armored Division and one Ranger Battalion was the responsibility of TF 81, the
DIME force at Gela. TF 85, the CENT force at Scoglitti had the duty to deposit
the 45th Infantry Division, Major General Troy Middleton, USA. Cruisers
Brooklyn and Birmingham backed up JOSS, cruisers Savannah and Boise were ready
behind the DIME force and the cruiser Philadelphia provided the heavy
firepower for the CENT force. At Licata with Edison were seven other
destroyers in dual roles of escort and gunfire support. At Gela, there were 13
destroyers and at Scoglitti, 16. In immediate "floating" reserve were the
remaining two combat teams of the 2nd Armored, Major General Hugh Gaffey USA,
along with one combat team of the 1st Division. These were part of the DIME
force and as matters developed, this is where they were needed. In Africa, a
little over 100 sea miles away, the 9th Infantry Division was in General
Reserve. General Patton commanded the overall Seventh Army of the Western Task
Force.
Commander E. R. Durgin was now ComDesRon 13 with his pennant on the USS
Buck. In DesDiv 25 were Woolsey, Ludlow, Edison, and Bristol supplemented by
the destroyer USS Wilkes. In DesDiv 26, Commander V. Huber, were Nicholson,
Swanson and Roe. Roe was a one-stacker like the Buck, built just before the
rest which were two stack Benson/Livermores. Conolly's flag was on the USS
Biscayne fitted with extra communications gear.
The city-named warships in the Western Task Force were all light cruisers,
with twelve or fifteen 6" guns. The Wichitas, Tuscaloosas and Augustas of
TORCH, all heavy cruisers with 8" guns, had presumably been redeployed to the
Pacific. The British monitor Abercrombie was with the CENT force. I was not
aware of this during the action itself because Edison immediately moved
northwest, then around Sicily's westernmost extremity and on toward Palermo
harbor, after the initial landings, to support the 3rd Division advance. I did
get to see Abercrombie later in broad daylight at Salerno, and she was a
unique site in my naval career. I was totally unprepared to see a monitor. I
thought the Monitor that fought for the Union in the U.S. Civil War was from a
period long gone. The British obviously did not think so. Low in the water,
Abercrombie's only purpose was to float two 18" guns to any battle scene she
could get to. I do not know what her propulsion was. She looked like she would
need to be towed if she had to move with any speed.
If there was one tactical difference in objectives between TORCH at North
Africa and HUSKY at Sicily, it was that capture of the airfields took
precedence over capture of the harbors in the Sicilian invasion. For bringing
up reserves, Allied naval forces were now within a half day's steaming of
harbors in North Africa rather than, as at Casablanca, an ocean away on the
east coast of the U.S. But putting more miles between us and our United States
also meant that our advance was putting us closer to German air bases. We had
no carriers, so needed to capture and put in service any enemy airfield that
would fall. The airfield at Pantelleria, a small island off the southern coast
of Sicily, became a preliminary target in the need to bring our land-based
fighter aircraft to Sicily with more time over target. Some of the friendly
force planes available over Sicily on D-day staged from the newly captured
field on Pantelleria.
An Overview of the Landings at Licata
Storm or no, the landings took place as scheduled in the early morning of
July 10, 1943. The boats headed for the beach at 0200. Some boats foundered in
the high surf still running, though the heart of the storm had played itself
out. Swanson and Roe collided in the darkness. Damage was sufficient to later
send them to the States for repair but not before they each played important
roles at Licata beach. Defensive gun fire broke out about 0400. By dawn, the
gun fire from attackers and defenders was heavy. Woolsey and Nicholson went
close in to make smoke to shield the first boat assault waves. By 0730 the
Beachmaster at Red Beach indicated that the smoke had worked, and that our
counter fire had suppressed enemy fire on his beach. Woolsey had actually used
5" white phosphorus shells to cut off the sight lines of the defending
artillery on the beach to the landing craft. By afternoon, the port at Licata
was in our hands with naval casualties of 23 sailors lost and 118 wounded.
82nd Airborne paratroops in C-47s experienced rough conditions in the hours
of darkness on July 11. British airborne troop carriers approached on
unexpected navigation tracks on the 12th, missed drop zones, and took fairly
heavy small bore AA fire from landing craft just before drop. Airborne took a
beating at Sicily, losing many lives before encountering enemy action. The
lack of AA discipline was partly due to a planning failure to anticipate how
things might go wrong, and to prepare an emergency communication and drill on
the discipline that would be needed under such conditions. (An example might
be the British MERSIGS manual used with mixed-nation convoy ships at sea,
where for example, two large red flares signaled an emergency turn for
convoys.) Where the communications were in place and were ongoing as on
destroyers and larger warships, AA fire discipline held at Sicily.
Edison's primary mission at Licata was fire support, "on call" from the
assigned Army/Navy shore fire control party that stormed ashore at H-hour on
D-day. Other "missions" were AA and ASW escort, though since we had no
transports, our sole ASW escort duties were to screen the cruisers. At times
we were an independent "patroller" as our forces advanced and later we had
"free lance" directions to go up the coast for "draw their fire" missions.
Rarely did any U.S. warship employ direct fire on enemy targets during the
landing phase. Safety for our own troops from "friendly" fire was paramount.
There were occasions when skippers thought they could get in some damaging
licks as a result of what their own range finders could see, but gaps in the
knowledge of what the actual landing situation was spelled a potential for
error. Later at Salerno, we were specifically asked by the USS Savannah's SFCP
if we could see the line of Tiger tanks advancing on the beachhead, and asked
aloud over voice circuits if we were prepared to go to direct fire. But, that
was an exception.
New Amphibious Tools For Licata, and HUSKY
The final dry beach at Licata had in front of it a series of sandbars. The
last sandbar on the tide of July 10, 1997 was followed by an exceptionally
deep gully parallel to the beach. The LST's draft prevented it from making it
across the last sandbar so six foot steel pontoon segments were fabricated in
the States along with hardware to buckle the segments together. In this way an
LST could carry its own causeway. This enabled the LSTs to unload tanks or
vehicles that would not be immediately inundated as they drove off the LST.
Another method of dealing with this obstacle was a cutout section in the sides
of some LSTs which enabled them to launch a loaded LCT at right angles to the
fore and aft axis of the LST. The LCTs could make it over the last sandbar.
Conolly also had the bulk of the newly available 158 foot LCIs, capable of
carrying 200 men directly to the beach in better fashion than the smaller 36
foot LCVPs. Rocket launching landing craft dedicated to pre-landing defender
suppression were not yet in the arsenal.
On the enemy side, afloat, the ten Italian and six German subs available in
the central Mediterranean were directed to interdict our supply lines and
avoid tangling with amphibious operations. Though we did not know this, most
German E-boats, motor torpedo boats, and their Italian MAS counterparts had
been withdrawn toward Messina. No Italian surface vessels larger than PTs
sortieed from Italian ports to interfere with HUSKY. The Axis subs sank some
important tonnage en route to HUSKY but paid heavily to surface attacks from
Allied ASW craft that had an increasingly good opportunity to get to the scene
of activity quickly. It was no longer the lonely North Atlantic. British motor
torpedo boats operating off Messina were especially effective. British subs,
too, scored kills on large Italian supply submarines running from Taranto thru
Messina to Naples. Mines were a threat at Porto Empedocle, just a little
northwest of the JOSS sector at Licata.
Island Aircraft Carriers
Pantelleria, an island 60 miles off the southwest coast of Sicily
surrendered, after heavy air and sea bombardments, on 11 June. American
engineers, in just six days of work, fashioned a new airport on Gozo, an
island next to Malta. With these two new fields, Spitfires, for both the
British and American sectors of HUSKY, now had more precious time over the
landing areas. This time became essential because the defenders could call on
800 aircraft, of which 500 were JU-88s and about 200 were ME-109 fighters.
Ship Transit Traffic Control
We have mentioned the storm. Even with calm seas, the control of sea
traffic for this invasion would have placed heavy demands on communications at
sea. The JOSS force, all shallow draft except the flagship and the naval
warships, had an exceptionally challenging navigation problem. With his boats
being blown before the wind to the east, Admiral Conolly felt required to
disobey Western Task Force "no course change" orders three times on July 9. He
used USS Swanson as a courier ship to Commander Durgin in Buck leading the
slow JOSS convoy. Each time, Conolly ordered the slow group in Buck's charge
to alter course "a point to the north". Starting from an initial course almost
east from the coast of Tunisia toward Malta, this meant a "correction" when
totaled of almost 34 degrees! The Admiral was right. Timid course changes
would have meant inordinate delays in reaching Licata beach and certainly
would have invited late hour traffic jams with sorting out and re-assembly
challenges. By 2100 on the ninth of July, all tracks had converged at the
proper point off Malta and had turned northward to their assigned landing
beaches. By 2300, all radar equipped ships had made landfalls on Sicily. The
winds, though not yet the seas, had begun to moderate. There were delays,
especially getting the slow LCTs with their tanks to the beaches, but
Conolly's in-transit course change decisions enabled this group to play their
role, though late.
Time and Space Merge
Licata is at the western end of the shallow Gulf of Gela and Scoglitti at
the southern end. Bristol had been sent ahead late in the afternoon of the
ninth to make contact with the British beacon submarine, Safari. Bristol made
contact at about 2300 and took station as planned, beaming her searchlight due
south. A PC boat made contact with Bristol and took station five miles further
offshore, with a blinker light operating to seaward. A series of patrol craft,
taking bearings on the one ahead, marked each beach to the south. Air
bombardment of Italian air fields was already underway. Brooklyn found Bristol
at 2330, then covered the release of Conolly's western attack groups.
Birmingham did the same for the easternmost groups. Conolly set the landings
in motion at midnight. At 0300, the Buck, leading the slow convoy group of
LCTs became their landings traffic director The moon set at 0030 and morning
twilight began at 0510. A cool clear day was in prospect.
The Roe-Swanson collision mentioned earlier left the westernmost landing
forces light on naval gunfire. USS Buck filled this breach, silencing field
artillery firing on Beach Red. Brooklyn moved in and fired on batteries atop
Mount Sole, then on batteries just behind Beach Red. General Truscott became
impatient that his mobile artillery was being held offshore because the LCTs
had been late. Admiral Conolly ordered all LCTs, now assembling for an orderly
progression into the beach, to get in line abreast and hit the beach as fast
as possible while ordering Edison and Bristol to lay smoke to cover this broad
advance. It worked. They all made it by just after 0800.
Beach Red, the furthermost to the west in the JOSS responsibility, ran
northwest to southeast, and Roe and Swanson's fire support area was close in,
in relatively shallow water almost due west of Red. Edison and Bristol were
due south in somewhat deeper water and on the border with Green Beaches to the
east, which marked the turn of the coastline to almost east-west. At sea,
between the Roe/Swanson fire support area and the Edison/Bristol area were the
Gaffi attack group for Beach Red with LCVP assembly closest to the beach, then
a grouping of LCTS, then LCIs, and then another group of LCTs. This was
depicted as a "transport area" with the larger Landing Craft acting as
transports, shore to shore from Lake Bizerte to Beach Red at Licata. The
assault troops were the 7th RCT of the 3rd Division USA. Both Licata and Gela
were astride roads to Palermo through valleys in Sicily's mountainous terrain.
Both Licata and Gela had rivers, and river plains in front of the hills.
Further west was the larger town of Empedocle, with anticipated Italian motor
torpedo boats and a minefield. The Allies employed PT boats in this area
beginning in the evening of the ninth of July to fend off expected enemy PT
boat attacks. It was while Roe and Swanson were maneuvering at high speed to
investigate what turned out to be our own PT boats that Roe, changing course
to miss the mine field, struck Swanson with damage severe to both. These PT
boats were deployed directly under Admiral Hewitt's command and were operating
unbeknownst to the JOSS destroyers under Conolly.
Brooklyn and Buck made up for the gap in shore fire support left by Roe and
Swanson. It turns out that Licata SFCPs did not make many demands on the
cruisers and destroyers offshore. The Molla landing group for Green Beaches
one and two, was headed by Edison and the minesweeper Sentinel. Their
responsibility included LCI-32, with naval and military commanders destined to
go ashore, and the two Princess ships with their Ranger battalions to be
landed by off loaded British landing craft. The Rangers made shore in two
rocky coves and did not wait for their vehicles, which were on the LCTs late
getting to the beaches. Rangers quickly seized the high ground on 500 foot Mt.
Sole, one of the few promontories in all the Gulf of Gela immediately behind a
beach. This hill was directly behind the Green Beaches. It provided an
immediate observation point to assess all the Licata sector operations.
Despite the LCT delay, timing worked for the Molla group. The Rangers hit
the beach at 0300. Just an hour later came the LCVPs off loaded from LSTs,
carrying the 15th RCT of the 3rd Division. With this team able to take over a
full possession of Mt. Sole, the Rangers pressed ahead, still without
vehicles, into the outskirts of Licata itself.
The minesweeper Sentinel became a casualty of repeated air attacks. She was
holed astern in half light at 0500 by a bomber which pressed its attack home.
After four more devastating attacks in the next hour, Sentinel was in dire
straits and was eventually abandoned and sank with loss of life. A US
subchaser and a PC stood by her, rescuing personnel. Of 101 men, 40 got safely
off, 51 were wounded and ten were killed.
Where To Next?
Having the troops of the 3rd Infantry Division under General Lucian K.
Truscott on the northwest flank of the U.S. sector invasion proved doubly
beneficial. That the Licata landings were less opposed than those at Gela
could be put down as lucky for the JOSS force. What then happened was the
ability of our commanders and soldiers to take advantage of good fortune. The
3rd Division, once assured that the situation in the other U.S. sectors was in
hand, was able to turn northward and threaten the port of Palermo. No matter
how good a force gets at lightering and otherwise off-loading equipment and
supplies to move through a beachhead, it is immeasurably easier to do supplies
replenishment through a seaport. Palermo was a good port and we wanted it.
General Truscott, commanding the 3rd Infantry Division, pioneered the
"Truscott Trots" for the occasion. The rear man in the column double times to
the front of his column. I am sure he does not start out relishing the idea
that double timing with a full pack is much fun. But, once a soldier gets the
idea that as soon as he gets to the head of the column, he can resume walking,
it must have played in his head that he wanted to get there. Result 1: the
column moves forward faster than even a defense can pull back. Result 2:
Despite the much longer distance of U.S. forces to Messina than the British,
it began to look like we could get there first. Palermo fell. The U.S. advance
along the top of Sicily toward Messina resumed in a series of leap frog
amphibious assaults with the Edison and other destroyers assisting in the
landing phase and subsequent fire support as artillery for the troops. Naval
gunfire as artillery had been accepted in the Marine Corps; we earned our way
into the full respect of Patton's Army.
Edison began to get some "fan" mail. From the Army! Nice things were said
about our shooting. Those Generals were not all into self-glorification. We
liked them and they developed quite a bent towards us. We will reproduce some
of their actual dispatches later in this story. I only have a record of one
dispatch we sent to a shore group and that one was not a "thank you" note but
a request for coordinates on an enemy battery that was hammering us. My sense
of gratitude for their loyalty to us, some 54 years late, leads to this:
"You took heavy casualties. You worked under great pressures
that seamen do not face. You worked hard just getting from here to there. We
had 50,000 Shaft Horsepower and water that was not always an enemy. I never
heard you gripe about your lot. We were proud to have served you. So, this
is a belated salute from us!"
There were some clear moonlit nights along the north coast of Sicily. The
German air force used new standoff weapons that we did not fully understand.
We learned by experience that a descending colored flare could signify a bomb
falling, a bomb whose tail vanes could be moved from controls in the parent
bomber to improve the impact accuracy. U.S. destroyer Mayrant was badly hit
and had to be helped into the harbor at Palermo. Except for the tipped over
Italian destroyer Genere in a drydock in Palermo, the harbor came into our
hands in good shape. German harassment air attacks picked up in frequency and
again those great Army searchlights ashore helped find and ultimately down
some planes. Offshore, where we spent most of our time patrolling to interdict
any German air, sea or subsea attacks, even in the moonlight, we would only
shoot against aircraft when we had the advantage of a good silhouette. Our
lookouts found plenty for us to be concerned with. Mines had been a factor at
Licata and the sweepers had been very busy. While we did not find them along
the north coast of Sicily, we knew that even the best night lookout was
unlikely to see a "floater" (usually, a moored mine cut loose from its anchor
by our sweepers-and still as dangerous as when moored unless holed by rifle
fire until it filled with water and went to the bottom). Submarines and German
aircraft were the main threat here. The Luftwaffe had new standoff weapons
that we had yet to understand, and they could still bomb you directly. One
did, but not the Edison.
I had only recently qualified as OOD underway. During the Licata to Messina
effort, I began to stand watches without a senior officer to correct my
mistakes. I still was taking everything that happened those days as it came,
but I realized this was a new and important progress point for me. I took it
very seriously. I liked conning a US destroyer and eventually I had the inner
confidence that I could take such a ship anyplace in the world. But, early on
at Palermo, I demonstrated that I had a lot to learn. I had been very good at
aircraft and ship identification in our training classes.
Recognition training with 35mm B&W slides and short interval projection
shutters, and the 5" gun loading machine device, were the two most used
training tools. You focused on something useful. You were distracted from
worrying about the next German attack. I had been especially good in the low
visibility night aircraft identification exercises. But the next episode "was
no drill." Along one night came a single bogey, just as I was enjoying my
newfound responsibility. I got a good glimpse of the plane in star light if
not in a full moonlight. I kept our ship "peaceful". No sense telling the
plane where we were if I was wrong on my identification. I assessed our night
caller friendly, "a C-47." The plane passed down the line toward the next U.S.
patrol destroyer. I "passed the word" to my deck opposite on that ship by
voice over the TBS. "A C-47 just passed down my port side." Moments later, I
heard a muffled explosion some distance away and saw some water mushrooming
into the air. Then came a laconic OOD's voice over my TBS receiver. "That C-47
was a JU-88. He just bombed us. Fortunately, he missed."
Whew! The skipper was asleep. No need to wake him up. But, the helmsman,
the JOOD, and the bridge lookouts had heard this. What an embarrassment, to
say the very least. I resolved to be more humble in the recognition training
sessions. The two planes are pictured in this chapter. I did not show them
side by side. I am still, I must admit, too embarrassed to do that. On
separate pages they do look alike. Side-by-side, well, I was wrong. It could
have been costly. Also, it gave that JU-88 crew a chance to come back another
day and try again.
Before we move this story too far ahead, forces with whom we had cooperated
at various times, had their own trials at Gela and at Scoglitti.
Gela; USS Maddox Sunk
Edison was not at Gela so this is pieced together from comments made at the
time (scuttlebutt) and accounts from other historical narratives. This
narrative is not going to be comprehensive in covering the landings at Gela,
nor will it cover in any detail the combat phase of the landings at Scoglitti,
or the British assault on the southeast coast targeted toward the cities of
Syracuse and Augusta. Suffice it to note that grudging progress was made by
British forces up their coast toward Messina while encountering heavy
resistance. This did have a bearing on the Allied hope to "seal off" the
Strait of Messina and therefore on Edison's deployment as the Seventh Army
"front" to the west moved toward the Straits of Messina.
Licata had been forecast to be the toughest assignment of the three landing
areas for the U.S. forces. Using an all-landing craft assault force meant not
only that those forces would be deployed from the nearest debarkation ports in
North Africa but also reflected a desire to rapidly deploy and engage the
enemy at the point where we expected defenses to be the strongest. As it
developed at Licata, the enemy did not present the strongest resistance there
and our landing strategy at Licata was pointedly successful.
Gela yielded stubbornly. German air chose to concentrate on the sea forces
at Gela, both warships and transports. In the melee, a German divebomber got
in on the stern of the destroyer USS Maddox with a very near miss, then a hit.
These explosions did quite a bit of below-decks damage aft. Events proceeded
unfavorably for Maddox, a Benson/Livermore 1630 ton destroyer like Edison. The
stern went under, and a series of catastrophic explosions occurred under her
hull, opening up so much space that she sank very fast, in about two minutes.
The enemy bomb may not have set off "sympathetic" explosions of Maddox'
ordnance but one observation, that depth charges physically separated from
their deck hold down restraints rolled off or fell off, is plausible. Then,
quickly reaching depth at which set, these were the killing blow for Maddox.
In this two minutes of eternity, 202 were lost, another indication that Maddox
had no control of her fate after the near miss. One who lost his life was
Ensign Eugene J. Canty, an Academy classmate who had joined Maddox about the
same time I joined Edison.
Depth Charge History Seemed to Repeat
In Volume I: Warships, by Keatts and Farr, published by Gulf Publishing in
1990, the authors uncovered the uncannily similar fates of two US destroyers
named Jacob Jones. Both were four pipers of WW I design. The first Jacob
Jones, DD 61, was an early German submarine torpedo casualty of WW I and her
heavy loss of life came as the result of her own depth charge explosions
killing or maiming men in the water. A second Jacob Jones of similar vintage
design, DD 130, did not reach the fleet until WW I hostilities were over. She
became the first U.S. destroyer casualty of WW II, meeting an almost identical
end as her earlier namesake, again with loss of life heavy due to her own
depth charges.
Here is a recorded recollection of Ensign Bernard Frese, USN, who was the
plotting room officer of the USS DeHaven, a Fletcher class destroyer assigned
to escort LCTs loaded with American troops to the north end of Guadalcanal to
cut off escape of Japanese troops. The DeHaven was the victim of a Japanese
bombing attack on 1 February 1943.
Soon thereafter there was a jolt and an explosion. We had taken
a direct hit amidships in the engineering spaces. We lost electric power
immediately. The guns were helpless and the computer useless. ...Meanwhile
the ship took a near miss on the port side and another hit
forward....Suddenly, a brilliant white light appeared, coming from a point
forward and slightly above the Plotting Room. There was no sound....The room
turned fire red and everything started to move. ....somehow my legs were
under the overturned computer....The room was filling with liquid which I
thought came from the fuel tank abaft the Plotting Room. ...Then it occurred
to me to open my belt and zip down my zipper.....I was finally
free....Actually the ship was sinking but I didn't know it at the
time.....I....saw that I was out of the Plotting Room with water up to my
waist.....I dove in, wondering if a piece of jagged metal would slice me
open....I heard another voice say, "There she goes."....I saw the ship's
propellers directly above my head and the ship ready to plunge to the
bottom....I set a record doing the backstroke and getting out of the
way......There were several underwater explosions but no churning of the
water like a depth charge would make......
Frese was saved by a sailor with a life jacket who held him up until one of
the LCTs took them aboard. He was covered for dead by several medical teams
and though badly burned, lives to this day. (November 21, 1997) Questioned
about the depth charges, Frese, now a Captain USN (Ret) recalled from
discussions with other survivors (about half the complement survived the
sinking) that a brave sailor went around setting them all on safe in those few
moments before the DeHaven sank.
Tanks Led The Only Counterattack on the Western Task Force
In two days of action on the Gela plain, an attack by the Hermann Goering
Panzer Division heavy tanks with supporting Italian tanks, was broken up by
heavy U.S. cruiser and destroyer fire. This attack got to within one thousand
yards of the beaches. Cruiser Boise, and destroyers Jeffers, Shubrick, Laub
and Cowie left fourteen demolished tanks on the plain. The U.S. Navy finally
got some of the U.S. Army's tanks ashore. These tanks assisted in taking out
more enemy tanks at the turning point of this, the only promising
counterattack mounted by the Germans and Italians against the Western Task
Force.
Naval gunfire did its job at Sicily, but a lot of tuning up needed to be
done in the new SFCP liaisons between Army troops and Navy warships.
Communications and timing left much to be desired. Also, the use of Navy
cruiser float planes for spotting, in the absence of any ground based aircraft
assigned to landing support, proved exceptionally dangerous to those pilots
and crewmembers. Their information was badly needed, but they were no match
for Luftwaffe fighters or ground based AA and took heavy casualties.
Other Gela Events
Luftwaffe aircraft hit the Robert Rowan, an ammunition ship which blew up
and furnished a beacon for air attacks on the night of 10-11 July. Boise, and
destroyers McLanahan, Jeffers, Murphy, Benson, Plunkett and Niblack fought off
numerous attacks. A near miss wounded 18 on the Benson including her skipper.
LCVPs; Two Views from July 1943
A feeling for what entering an off-loaded LCVP is like is provided in
"United States Navy in World War II", a book compiled and edited by
S.E.Ellison for publisher William Morrow of New York. The following segment is
from Battle Stations by John Mason Brown. He was a writer for the New York
World Telegram newspaper who signed up with the Navy at the outset of
hostilities. Here, he was observing the lowering of his transport's landing
craft. Destination of the landing craft is Scoglitti. This landing craft was
off loaded from a transport, so has at least missed the worst of the storm
that JOSS landing craft to the north at Licata had experienced in the tossing
Mediterranean all the way from Bizerte. Brown's transport had staged from a
port that took her through Gibraltar. The transport's anchor crunched into the
bottom off Scoglitti at 0045 on July 10, 1943.
There's a hell of a lot of difference between our searchlights
when they are looking for the enemy, and enemy searchlights when they are
looking for us. 2:40 a.m. July 10, 1943
They (German aircraft) headed for our beaches, dropping flares
over them. Then they turned wheel for us, still dropping flares. ....One of
them has hung right over our Force like an old-fashioned light over a dining
room table.....They are strange things, these German flares; disturbing but
completely undisturbed. All the other lights are twitchy, nervous,
explosive, darting. But these flares have a fearsome serenity. The
parachutes supporting them do more than rest on the air....They just hang
there like fixtures. They appear to be eternal. 0445 July 10, 1943
This next excerpt was authored by novelist Jack Belden who rode into Gela
with the DIME force. He was aboard the transport Barnett as July 10, 1943
began. This is taken from his observations entitled, "Shoot Out That Goddamn
Light." He went into the beach in an LCVP.
There was an immediate sense of gladness (from successfully
going down a rope ladder in darkness and getting into a pitching boat) at
getting started and a heightened awareness. When we got away from the
shelter of the fleet, this feeling, however soon gave way to another. We
became sick.....The rocking of the small landing craft was totally unlike
anything we had experienced on the ship. It pitched rolled, swayed, bucked,
jerked from side to side, spanked up and down, undulated, careened and
insanely danced on the throbbing, pulsing, hissing sea. The sea itself flew
at us, threw the bow in the air, then, as it came down, swashed over us in
great roaring bucketfuls of water......The Ensign standing on the high stern
of the boat ordered the sailor by the bow to close the half open ramp....At
that moment there was a loud hissing sound...and a wave of water cascaded
through the ramp....."Bail with your helmets!" called the Ensign in a voice
of extreme irritation...(there followed what seemed an interminable time as
the Ensign sought to find his landing wave's form-up circle)...we broke out
of the circle formation and headed in a line toward a blue light, which
shining to seaward, was bobbing up and down some distance ahead......One by
one they vomited, holding their heads away from their loosely clasped
rifles, and moaned softly.....Astern our great fleet fled, diminishing,
sinking beneath the waves......The boat pounded on......Instead of feeling
myself part of a group of American soldiers going ashore on a carefully
planned invasion, I saw myself and the men as strange phantoms flung out
across the maw of the sea , into the blackness of eternity......Suddenly the
light swung across the water, fastened on our boat, and illuminated us like
actors on a darkened stage..."Why don't they shoot out that goddam
searchlight?", growled a voice from the depths of the cavernous
boat..."Steady there!", said the voice of Captain Paul Carney.
Our engine gave a sudden full throated roar as the Ensign cut
off the underwater exhaust. The boat leapt forward. The other boats behind
us raced around to either side of us, and we sped forward like a charging
football line....Ahead - directly ahead - two strings of dotted red lights
were crossing each other. "Machine guns!" the sailor shouted. I heard a
sharp cracking sound..... Then I heard the engine break out in a terrible
throbbing roar. At last there was a jerk and a bump and the boat came to a
halt. "Open ramp!" shouted the ensign in the stern....The ramp jerked down
farther until it was level with the water....Still no one moved. "Get off!"
Major Grant's voice was imperious. No one moved. "Jump off!" he hollered
again. "You want to get killed here? Get on that beach!" With these words he
leapt out into the darkness...."Here it comes," I thought and jumped. The
water struck me like a shock. I kept going down. My feet sank down and I
touched bottom. My chin was just at the water. A sharp crackle burst the air
nearby. The water was growing shallower....Ahead of me....figures were
crawling on hands and knees up the slope...At last I was on dry land.
The Flare War
When I wrote the following observation some years after WW II, I had not
seen the searchlight comments of John Mason Brown or the flare comments of
Jack Belden. The next sequence actually occurred and lasted perhaps 30
seconds. I am the secondary battery AA officer on the after deck house. We
have been under air attack for an hour. Under the heading, "Night Air Attack",
I wrote:
The flares! Would they ever go out? The last one goes out.
Relief. Then some ship hears aircraft engine noises and starts firing tracer
bullets at them. All the flares go back on again. O God! Why do our ships
fire on "noises?" Woe is us. Trouble overhead. Mines in the water. Subs
under the water. Go fast enough to keep your rudder effective. No faster.
Minimum wake to provide the least aiming line for a bomb run. Fishtail,
slowly. Wakes are phosphorescent and pick up starlight, moonlight and emit
light of their own. Torpedoes make wakes. Be prepared to comb the wake of an
enemy torpedo.
Observe tight AA discipline. Lo, a Dornier 217 comes down the
port side, between flare lines. He sees us. We see him. He drops a torpedo
to intersect our track. Lookouts jam the sound powered phones with torpedo
wake reports. The skipper turns 30 degrees starboard. The torpedo wake
parallels our course. The torpedo misses. I give our secondary battery
permission to fire. The enemy aircraft is now exiting toward our port bow.
The best chance to hit the 217 with machine guns is long gone. I am much too
late giving permission to fire. Did my conservatism lose an advantage for
us? I hope those flares go out.
The Armies Headed For Messina
With the beaches secure by 12 July, the Allied forces were primed for a
breakout. The British and Canadians to the east captured Augusta and Syracuse
and headed north toward Mt. Etna. Patton's Army, with three important forces
ashore, took three routes. One led west toward Marsala, another drove north
into the mountainous interior, and the third raced across the island to
capture the port of Palermo on 22 July. Our sea forces met them there and were
immediately attacked by more JU-88s.
In separate air attacks, destroyers Mayrant and Shubrick sustained heavy
damage which forced them into Palermo where they endured more air attacks.
Shubrick took a near fatal hit off shore in her after fire room, with a number
of men left dead or wounded, and the ship without power. Mayrant had her
forward engine room and after fire room completely flooded and ended up
without power. Mayrant survived her bomb hits with 14 inches of freeboard. She
too had men killed and wounded. Both ships were saved by a combination of US
minecraft and subchaser help, and covering AA fire from cruisers and
destroyers.
For this period, Edison's Official War History contains the following
summary:
Edison departed Bizerte for Sicily, where she arrived on 10
July. Air attacks were heavy during the landings here but Edison escaped
without a scratch. She moved on to Realmonte, Sicily, on 12 July where she
was assigned a fire control station to bombard enemy shore defenses. She
remained in this vicinity until 19 July when she retired toward Algiers,
Algeria, arriving on the 20th.
Edison got underway the same day for Bizerte, but returned to
Algiers on 23 July. On 26 July she arrived at Mers-el-Kebir and returned to
the shores of Sicily on 31 July where she remained until 21 August. While
there, an air attack developed at 0410 on 1 August but it was repelled
without damage to the ships. Edison arrived back at Algiers on 22 August and
patrolled along the northern coast of Africa until 7 September. On 7
September, DD 439 steamed from Bizerte enroute to the beaches of Italy for
"Operation Avalanche". (This was Salerno.)
German and Italian ground combat forces fought strictly rear guard actions
as soon as the beaches were lost. Allied forces moved aggressively to keep
them in engagement, not sure what their intentions were, whether to stand and
fight at another line in Sicily, or to get across the Strait as fast as
possible. With the benefit of hindsight, it is clear that, failing to stop the
Allies at the beaches of Sicily, the Nazi commanders had made the successful
retreat to Italy their prime objective. U.S. ground forces engaged in
successful "make it up as you go along" leap frog amphibious efforts to insure
that the Axis forces' retreat was as onerous as possible but there was no
advanced plan in place to deny them their escape across the Strait. The "what
next" question had not been asked, or answered.
When a DD's Ammo Was Expended
A destroyer in need of ammo moved into a category like a destroyer in need
of fuel. The ship had to start "economizing". In the fuel case, fueling at sea
was an alternative developed to a high skill level in the U.S. Navy. In the
ammo shortage, the only alternative was to go someplace where they had some.
The Robert Rowan at Gela burned and exploded throughout the night after being
bombed, revealing her cargo as an ammunition ship. Risking an ammo ship in the
attack transport area signified that her mission was to provide re-supply
ammunition to the troops which had landed. Such ships did not carry naval
warship ammunition.
Naval warships were resupplied from ammunition ships which all hoped were
more discreetly located. This replenishment was not attempted in actual
forward assault areas. Edison received ammo from the most motley collection of
ships. At Ajaccio in Corsica, we took on ammo from the most grimy United
Kingdom merchantman I had ever seen. Her crew were terrified at being this
close to the Italian front and worked like beavers to get the projectiles and
powder cartridges out of her hold. There was no cover of darkness. Time was of
the essence. We were due back on a firing station as soon as we replenished
the ammo. We did this at high noon under a blazing sun. Our men moved right
over onto the ammo ship, and worked side by side with their very limited crew.
I hope the Bureau of Naval Ordnance never reads this. The five inch
projectiles came packed two to a wooden box. To speed things up, we held the
boxes over our head and broke them by smashing them down on the deck of that
freighter. We stowed the projectiles in our magazines and tossed the wood over
the side-which is also where our brass powder cases went when we fired at the
enemy. There were three fuzes in those 5" projectiles and the designers
required a certain sequence to ensue before any fuze would go off. Thank
heaven for such precise design.
On the 2nd of August 1943, the USS Buck and the USS Nicholson were
escorting six vessels from Licata to Oran. At Oran, these destroyers could
pick up ammo, fuel and other needed supplies. Buck found the Italian sub
Argento on the surface off Pantelleria in the early evening. After challenging
the Argento, which immediately submerged, Buck pursued sound contacts for two
hours, dropping several patterns of depth charges when over the target.
Argento was finally forced to surface astern of Buck and fired a torpedo which
missed Buck. Buck's 5" gun battery inflicted heavy damage on Argento which
managed to fire a second torpedo, which also missed. Argento had been fatally
hurt. Sinking, the Argento crew abandoned ship. Buck's whaleboat saved all but
three of the 49 aboard, including Argento's skipper. A photograph in an
earlier chapter is directly related to that event.
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